The involuntary withdrawal of US troops from Niger leaves a geopolitical void. Could Russia become Niger’s new bedfellow?
Michael Asiedu
18 September 2024
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The US has a military presence in 11 African countries through its Africa Command (AFRICOM) initiative. In Niger alone, it has two military bases, Air Base 101, and Air Base 201. The latter uses drones to surveil operations of Islamic State and Al-Qaida affiliates and gather intelligence. These bases enable the US to conduct counterterrorism activities, mainly in the Chad-basin involving Cameroon, Chad, Nigeria, but also throughout the West Africa sub-region. Despite this location being strategically important, in an agreement reached with Niger’s Military Council in March 2024, the United States completed the withdrawal of its military presence, totaling nearly 1000 personnel, from Niger on 15 September 2024.
The announced withdrawal is not voluntary on the part of Washington but rather one triggered by Niger’s capital, Niamey. Hoping that the regime would rescind its decision, Washington had engaged Niger’s military junta, the National Council for the Safeguard of the Homeland (CNSP) under the leadership of General Abdourahamane Tchiani. Niamey, however, remained resolute and instead offered a rationale for abrogating the security pact.
Niger’s Military Council’s spokesperson Colonel Major Amadou Abdramane indicated that the 2012 Military Accord between the two countries was one imposed on Niger, stating that Niamey was therefore asserting its “sovereign” right especially in deciding its partners as well as putting Washington’s “condescending attitude” in check. While these arguments may be valid, they are also a convenient cover for the Military Council to evade Washington’s key demands: Niger’s return to civilian, democratic rule and the release of ousted President Mohamed Bazoum, who remains in detention after being deposed during the Military Council’s coup in July 2023.
Another concern the Biden administration had raised, revolved around the kind of partners with whom Niamey sought to align, namely Russia, as well as Iran, which is interested in the country’s large uranium deposits. Colonel Abdramane responded by expressing Niamey’s “regret in Washington denying its people the right to choose their partners and types of partnerships capable of helping them truly fight against terrorists”.
Engagement with Moscow has already begun. Russian military arrived in Niger in April 2024 to train Nigerien forces. According to Nigerien state TV, plans to bring further military equipment and build an air defense system in Niger are already underway. Meanwhile the Pentagon confirmed that the US has begun pulling military equipment and personnel in advance of the September deadline. US Air Force Major General Kenneth Ekman indicated that small teams of 10-20 US troops, including special operation forces, had relocated to other West African countries.
Niger’s 2023 coup was fueled by strong anti-western sentiments which had already led to the severing of ties with French and European Union troops. Thousands of Nigeriens had also participated in large scale protests exhorting the US military to leave, hence, with the ousting of the US’ preferred ally, President Mohammed Bazoum, it became a matter of when and not if.
How will this influence the future relationship between Niger and the US? Both countries say that the withdrawal of US troops will not affect the continuation of relations, particularly in economic development. However, Washington has already suspended development aid worth more than USD 260 million a year, with the proviso that it will resume if Niger embarks on a path to civilian rule.
Putting the abrogation of this military agreement into a broader perspective regarding Africa-US relations, the Biden administration appears to have had a reality check placed on their 2022 Africa Strategy launched by US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken in Pretoria, South Africa. Back then Secretary Blinken admitted that “too often the countries of Africa have been treated as junior partners or worse, rather than equal partners”. He asserted that the African continent would no longer be at the back of the queue because US policy “inadvertently treats sub-Saharan Africa as a world apart”. Secretary Blinken notably indicated that the US did not intend to limit African partnerships with other countries, stating “We don’t want to make you choose. We want to give you choices”. As it stands now, the US has not honored its pledge.
It is this gap between rhetoric and reality that has seen the US lose ground in Niger, as geopolitical rivals continue to pursue the continent in search of strategic minerals, trade, political partnerships, as well as outright military support, training, and bases. On the other hand, African countries like Niger took the US at its word and have made bold choices in choosing new allies between the options available to them; Russia, China to name but two.
If the Biden-Harris administration is truly seeking what it now terms “twenty-first century partnerships” based on a relationship of equals, then it must be prepared to embrace Africa’s vision of what those partnerships should be, keeping in mind that China and Russia are also competing for power and influence on the African continent. The US should particularly revisit its stated intent within the 2022 Africa Strategy, and offer meaningful partnerships built on tangible engagement. Should it choose not to tread that path it will continue to see US values and interests diminished on an increasingly strategic continent.
